By Nitin Sinha
Via a local specialise in Bihar among the 1760s and Eighteen Eighties, ‘Communication and Colonialism in jap India’ finds the transferring and contradictory nature of the colonial state’s rules and discourses on verbal exchange. the amount explores the altering courting among alternate, shipping and mobility in India, as glaring within the buying and selling and mercantile networks working at a variety of scales of the financial system. Of an important significance to this examine are the ways that wisdom approximately roads and routes was once accrued via practices of go back and forth, excursions, surveys, and map-making, all of which benefited the nation in its makes an attempt to constitution a regime that might keep an eye on ‘undesirable’ kinds of mobility.
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Extra info for Communication and Colonialism in Eastern India: Bihar, 1760s-1880s
Some authors also used the ‘within the Ganges’ phrase for peninsular India. See ‘Account of the Peninsula of the INDIES within the Ganges: Being that Part of Asia where the Chief European Settlements are Situated, and the Seat of the War in India’, Royal Magazine, August FROM AFFECTIVE FORMS TO OBJECTIFICATION 3 and the Ganga and the latter that beyond the Ganga to the east. These two traditions – Indic and European – were not exclusive. Early European officers of the late eighteenth century were aware of and in fact employed the Indic divisions, often describing north India as Hindustan, in distinction to Bengal.
1 The importance of this discussion lies in situating and contextualizing the changes taking place in the colonial period, which is the central theme of this book. Pre-colonial Affective Spatialisms Let us start with the basic geographical divisions that are readily noticeable in the immediate pre-colonial spatial understanding. Two of the broader units are ‘Dakkan’ and ‘Hindustan’, meaning south and north India respectively. Dargah Quli Khan, the traveller in the Muraqqa-e-Dehli (a diary written during his stay in Delhi from 1739–41) thus explains 1 The discussion is based on English translations of contemporary sources and a variety of secondary works.
Goswami traces such changes from immediately after 1857, which serves one major point of departure for this work as it takes into account a much longer period of pre-1857 processes of spatial changes and continuities under colonialism. Although the reader of Goswami gets an idea that the post-1857 colonial state–space had other coordinates of ascendancy, the most important being the global Britain-centred imperial economy, s(he) does not get the concrete historical answers (despite the author’s claim that she attempts to ‘specify the historicity of colonial state and economy’, page 32) to the question of how the post1857 colonial state related to its own past of a hundred years (1757–1858) in South Asia, during which the state was not just a passive entity but actively participated in territorial control and refashioning of boundaries.