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By David Osterfeld

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The same evils would spring up with a rapid growth • • • " In fact, the cure, he says, since it would be effected by coercion, would be worse than the ev i I. " Mankind is not naturally vicious, but has been corrupted by the unnecessarily complex institutions of political authority. " It would then be sufficient for local juries, operating in Platonic faShion by jUdging each case on its own merits, simply to make public recommendations. "(46) Since Godwin, like Proudhon, calls for the abolit ion 0 f the s tat e , i t i s not the pro per t y 0 f me rca n til ism bu t of cap ita Ii sm tha t he defends.

Rand is a minarchist,while Beaird is, at most, an ultraminarchist. Whether this indicates a flaw in the objectivist phi losophy, or simply a misint~rpretationof objectivism by Beaird, is both an interesting and difficult ·question to answer. For tunateIy, since we are simply trying to get a fix on the relative positions of competing philosophies, this question need not be answered here. f. Classieal Liberalism. Whi Ie relying on the market for most things, the classical liberals felt that there were various services that could be suppl ied only by the state.

Nevertheless, their attachment to democracy seems to be strictly conditional: democracy is permissible so long as it does not endanger "the perman e n t t h i ng s," the t r a d i t i on s 8 nd cu s toms t hat ho Ids 0 c i ety together. (114) While the conservet ives have never squarely confronted the issue, this presumably means that at any time democracy comes into conflict with the permanent things, democracy mus tbe abandoned for the sake of the latter. It is the acknowledgement that government is an indispensable social inst i tution coupled with the reluctance to "accept the verdict of democracy's tribunal,tt(115) that results in the marked authoritarian streak that runs throughout conservative thought.

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